Rio Grande Valley

CHAPTER TWO: When Aunties and Grannies Turn Into Activists for Dignity and Justice...

Even Trump & Co’s cold, hard, cruelty cannot crush hope

Elizabeth “Lizee” Cavazos, Cindy Candia, Susan Law, and Joyce Hamilton of Angry Tias & Abuelas

Elizabeth “Lizee” Cavazos, Cindy Candia, Susan Law, and Joyce Hamilton of Angry Tias & Abuelas

Hello? Is There Anybody Out There?

We landed in Brownsville on January 3, 2020, with a car reservation, three nights pre-booked into a hotel, and a single contact. This was not the plan.

The plan was to have folks waiting for us all along the Tex/Mex border. From Labor Day to Thanksgiving, I emailed every organization I could find from Brownsville to El Paso. By Christmas, I’d heard back from none.

Jim was growing skeptical. “We’ll just show up. It’ll work out. You’ll see,” I told him.

“And if it doesn’t, we’ll have more time to spend in Big Bend.”

Finally, the day before our departure from London, on December 27, 2019, I heard back from Susan Law of the Angry Tías & Abuelas of the Rio Grande Valley. I’d contacted them at the suggestion of RAICES, the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services, which — along with the Interfaith Welcome Coalition — had been the first to respond when US Immigration and Border Enforcement (ICE) employees started dumping asylum seekers, mostly dazed and confused women and children, at the San Antonio bus station in April 2018.

Sarah, I’m so sorry about the delay in responding to you! We are looking forward to your visit and are grateful for yours and your husband’s offer to help. Our Tia Cindy, copied here, has offered to meet with you on January 4 and can accompany you across the border to give you an orientation.

We don’t have a really organized set of tasks for volunteers to do. The refugees living at the camp are grateful for people who come to visit with them, showing them they are not forgotten.
— Tía Susan

This is What Democracy Looks Like

Jennifer Harbury

Jennifer Harbury

In spring 2018, Jennifer Harbury had been keeping her eye on the Rio Grande Valley bridges. A long-time civil rights attorney and dedicated refugee advocate who’d lived in the RGV for four decades, she knew that any shift in border activity to the west portended something was on its way east. And by all reports — increased CBP intimidation and ICE abuses, the government’s suspension of the Legal Orientation Program as well as parole for pregnant women — whatever was coming wasn’t good.

Sure enough, it would flow to the Reynosa-McAllen bridge in the final days of May.

Jennifer messaged her colleague Kimi Jackson, Director of The South Texas Pro Bono Asylum Representation Project (ProBAR). Urgent help needed! she stated.

Forty people had been stranded on the bridge for five days. They had no food, no water, they were completely exposed to the elements. Some were barefoot, their shoes having fallen apart on the journey across Mexico. All were desperate.

Cindy Candia

Cindy Candia

Kimi lost no time. She contacted her trusted comrade in LGBTQ-rights activism, Cindy Candia, as well as her neighbor, a retired adult literacy educator and Presbyterian Elder, Joyce Hamilton. The three sprung into action, calling on others to help them form a caravan to deliver to the bridge as many sandwiches as they could make as well as snacks, diapers, pedialyte, whatever they could pull together on a dime.

Cindy, an ex-correctional officer and the daughter of migrant farmworkers, emptied her cupboards into a large picnic cooler, “Because my husband and I were between paychecks at the time.”

On the hour-long drive from Harlingen, TX, she and the others couldn’t stop asking, Why isn’t Customs and Border Patrol letting them in?

Joyce Hamilton

Joyce Hamilton

What the three women found at the bridge on June 3, 2018, defied explanation and challenged the imagination: A scrum of men, women, babies, and children pressed up against the US border control office at the bridge’s north end. They’d been sleeping on bits of found cardboard, washing in a nearby water fountain, and taking turns to use the bathroom at the UETA duty-free shop in Mexico.

“They were literally stuck there,” Joyce recounted.

The triple-digit Texas sun scorched the asphalt, burning their feet. There was nowhere to sit. Babies needed new diapers, women needed clean underwear. Everyone needed a change of clothes and a bath. Some needed medical attention. Freelance writer and then-McAllen resident, Daniel Blue Tyx, called it, “a refugee camp on the bridge."

Seeing to the Common Good

Kimi Jackson

Kimi Jackson

Back at home that night, Kimi tapped out a call to action on her Facebook page, describing what she’d seen and asking for volunteers and/or money to help support the needs of the trapped asylum seekers. She included a shopping list.

Nayelly Barrios was among the first RGV residents to receive Kimi’s message. A Mexican immigrant, poet and University of Texas-RGV professor, she lived close to the bridge, in Edinburg, and was then on summer break. She dashed right over with supplies from Kimi’s list, but not without first sharing the call for help with her Facebook friends. She received $200 in donations overnight.

When Joyce and Cindy met Nayelly face-to-face for the first time four days later, the refugee camp on the bridge had grown from 40 to 70. CBP was still processing asylum claims, but slowly — around 10 per day — meaning more people were joining the queue than leaving it. By day, they were forced up against the outside, metal barrier of the walkway to allow the thousands of pedestrian border-crossers to pass on the left. Their long, single-file line extended from the mostly empty, air-conditioned CBP office big enough for 100 to the bronze plaque at the middle of the bridge that marked the official US/Mexico boundary.

Nayelly Barrios

Nayelly Barrios

On June 11, Nayelly sent a frantic group message to Kimi, Cindy, Jennifer, and Joyce: she’d arrived at the bridge to see CBP officials pushing the entire line of asylum seekers back to the international mid-point. Also that day, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that the Trump administration had rolled back asylum protections for victims of domestic and gang violence. The decision would affect nearly every individual and family running from the Northern Triangle countries of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, as well as Nicaragua, where decades-long corruption and US-backed military training, along with a surfeit of weapons, had bred cultures of impunity.

Throughout Central America, where gangs rule, even the worst crimes go unpunished. Few are safe. Small business owners face extortion; murder if they don’t pay up. Women and girls face the threat of rape and/or kidnapping for ransom and/or sex slavery. Families face the threat of gangs pressing their boys into work as drug runners for the cartels. Everyone faces violence everyday as the dead and mutilated are left where all are reminded who’s really in charge.

So, yes, those who’ve chosen to pull up stakes and make the long, dangerous trek to the US border on foot, because they cannot afford to fly, are literally running for their lives.

Yet from that moment forward, those fleeing persecution to seek safe haven in the US, as is their right under international law, would face the same hostility as those trying to sneak in. Now, upon reaching US ports of entry, asylum seekers would have to add their names to an official CBP list, then wait in Mexico to be called.

Only an audience with CBP officials would kick-start the asylum process, and you never knew when you’d be called. Meantime, Trump’s own State Department had placed Mexico under a level-4 travel advisory, along with Syria, Iran, and Iraq, especially at the border.

“Metering” Asylum

Jodi Goodwin educates asylum seekers on their rights

Jodi Goodwin educates asylum seekers on their rights

McAllen was no longer just ground zero for Trump & Co’s family separation debacle. It was now a place where the right to asylum was eroding as well. The border was closing: a wall had indeed gone up, although one more metaphorical than physical. The practice of “metering” had begun. Seeking asylum would now function much like the Department of Motor Vehicles: take a number and wait your turn. Though in this case, the wait could go on for months. The most desperate chose the river, risking death or criminal arrest, which meant prolonged detention and the removal of their children — a new face of family separation.

What Cindy, Nayelly, and Joyce saw in June 2018 was injustice, plain and simple. They were angry. Jennifer saw torture and crimes against humanity. She was angry, too. So angry, she asked Kimi to invite everyone to her house to brainstorm a coordinated response to the humanitarian crisis unfolding before their eyes: not only at the bridges, but at courthouses, detention centers, bus stations, and processing centers all across the Rio Grande Valley.

Kimi’s hands were plenty full. She was already working around the clock, as was another area lawyer, Jodi Goodwin, to defend immigrants’ right and provide pro-bono counsel to detained women who’d been robbed of their kids. She passed the task of coordinating everyone’s schedules to Joyce, who set the date — June 13 — then called her sister, Linda, in San Antonio.

Linda had been volunteering with Sister Denise LaRock and Lena Baxter, co-directors of San Antonio’s Interfaith Welcome Coalition (IWC), to support the asylum seekers ICE had been dumping at bus stations up north. As luck — or serendipity — would have it, Sister Denise and Lena were, at that very moment, on their way to McAllen. They’d heard that Trump & Co had turned up the hate again, and they wanted to see for themselves what was going on. Joyce extended them an invitation to the meeting as well.

Meanwhile, Cindy brought along a couple of activists from NETA-RGV, an independent media platform founded upon Trump’s election to support and amplify the voices of Rio Grande Valley residents. She thought it wise to have members of the press involved., but their presence turned even more critical: when Jennifer suggested they mount a fundraiser, the NETA crew agreed to take that on. They brought in $72,000 the first month. Donations only went up from there.

NETA-RGV had the organizational infrastructure. The angry women who’d gathered that evening had neither formal organization nor name. But that wouldn’t last long.

At one point during the meeting, Jennifer remarked, “You all sound like a bunch of angry tías.” In fact, they were all aunties. The comment lightened the mood a bit. It made them all laugh. But it got them thinking, too.

The Angry Tías & Abuelas of the Rio Grande Valley

Madeleine Sandefur at June 2018 Families Belong Together Rally Brownsville, Tx

Madeleine Sandefur at June 2018 Families Belong Together Rally Brownsville, Tx

The very next day, June 14, 2018, Joyce was at the Brownsville Courthouse with her birder friend, Swiss-born, US-naturalized Madeleine Sandefur, the wife of a US Airman from San Antonio she’d met in Paris in the 1970s. In addition to both being Texas Master Naturalists, and on the front lines of a public protest to save South Padre Island habitats from the development of liquefied natural gas export terminals, the two had helped to organize Brownsville’s Women’s March on January 21, 2017.

This day, they brandished placards, decrying the separation of migrant families at the border.

They had been very busy, as you can imagine. Madeleine was instrumental in getting the protest off the ground. And Joyce, alongside Cindy, had not stopped her continued round trips from Harlingen to the Reynosa-McAllen bridge, with massive shopping sprees in between. So when a reporter asked them, on mic, what they thought of US Attorney General Jeff Sessions using the Bible to defend family separations, they responded with mouths agape and blank stares. “We were like deer in headlights,” Joyce said.

Pointing the mic to himself, the reporter paraphrased what Sessions had said: “I would cite you to the Apostle Paul and his clear and wise command in Romans 13, to obey the laws of the government because God has ordained them for the purpose of order.”

Well! A woman of faith, Joyce had a few choice spontaneous words to say about that! She grabbed the mic and, though typically reserved, began railing against the gall of the man invoking the same biblical passage that had been used to justify slavery to defend ripping children out of the arms of loving parents. How dare he!

Madeleine & Joyce at Families Belong Together March, June 14, 2018

Madeleine & Joyce at Families Belong Together March, June 14, 2018

Jennifer, who stood right next to Joyce on the courthouse steps, commented that she sounded more like a rampaging abuela than an angry tía. And the name of the group was born:

The Angry Tías & Abuelas of the Rio Grande Valley.

Before the march was over that day, Madeleine, also a grandmother, had joined their ranks as well. “Because this was not what I signed on to when I became a US citizen,” she told me. A former office manager, she took on the responsibility of handling the group’s finances and scheduling.

The Cries that Woke a Nation

Cindy Candia & Elizabeth “Lizee” Cavazos

Cindy Candia & Elizabeth “Lizee” Cavazos

Shortly thereafter, another friend of Madeleine and Joyce’s, naturalist, bird-enthusiast, and mental-health professional, Elizabeth “Lizee” Cavazos, waded into the effort. She agreed, at first, to help orient released refugees at the McAllen bus station one day each week. But on hearing the heartbreaking cries of children separated from their parents at the Ursula Processing Center — aka La Hielera (the icebox), so named for its extremely frigid temperature — she was moved to full-time activism. “I realized then, if I don’t act to stop Trump’s crimes against humanity, then I’m complicit in committing them.”

That now-famous recording had been leaked to a reporter at ProPublica by none other than Jennifer. She had obtained it from an unnamed whistle-blower inside Ursula, and passed it on to a trusted member of the press. It would sweep across a shocked nation and promptly bring Trump & Co’s family separation policy to its knees.

By July, families were being allowed to go to their sponsors in the US again. And they were coming to the border in droves. Anywhere from 200 to 900 refugees landed at the McAllen bus station every day between July 2018 and July 2019. They had no money, little if any English, and no idea how to get where they were going.

Before she knew it, Lizee was working full time at the McAllen bus station alongside Jennifer’s long-time friend and colleague Susan Law, retired Human Resources Director for Texas RioGrande Legal Aid. On behalf of the Tías, the two joined forces with Sister Norma Pimentel of the Catholic Charities Humanitarian Respite Center to assist refugees who, like those helped by RAICES and IWC in San Antonio, were being dumped, stunned and resourceless, by ICE and CBP.

Susan Law advising asylum seekers at the McAllen, TX bus station

Susan Law advising asylum seekers at the McAllen, TX bus station

Susan, Lizee, and their small army of volunteers were there every day, seven days a week, for a year, to help these folks prepare for bus trips that might go on for two or three days. The Tias provided them with food; travel money; maps of the US marked with their individual itineraries; a list of key English phrases and practice in how to pronounce them; and backpacks that had been stuffed with essentials by a fast-growing team of volunteers, mostly from Harlingen, working from the fellowship hall at Joyce’s church, when it was available, or her house, when it was not.

“It was a HUGE operation,” she remembers. “We needed a lot of space.”



Evil Continued East with the River

Elisa Filippone (photo: Texas Monthly, Sept 2019)

Elisa Filippone (photo: Texas Monthly, Sept 2019)

The chaos did not stop at McAllen. It soon flowed east to the Rio Grande’s last stop before spilling into the Gulf of Mexico: Brownsville. There, on Friday, July 27, 2018, just as she was climbing into bed, Elisa Filippone received a call. She had been monitoring the bus station, and had previously scratched out her number on a Post-it note, leaving it at the Greyhound ticket counter. Though from an unknown number, something told her to answer the phone. On the other end of the line was a Greyhound employee. A woman, newly released from ICE detention, had been dropped off at the bus station. It would be closing in 10 minutes at 11pm. Could Elisa help her out, so she wouldn’t have to sleep outside?

Elisa pulled on some jeans and a tee-shirt, and holstered her gun, “this being Texas,” and hurried to the station a half-block from her house. With Madeleine’s “okay,” she checked the 30-year-old mother from Honduras, Jessica, into a hotel. She was back the next day to set Jessica on her way to South Carolina where she was to be reunited with her small daughter. The two had crossed the Rio Grande with a coyote and turned themselves into Border Patrol when ‘zero tolerance’ was roiling. They were taken to La Hielara in McAllen, wet and cold, with nothing but a mylar blanket and each other for warmth. The next morning, a CBP employee said he’d take the little girl to “get cleaned up.” He assured Jessica that they’d be back in 30 minutes. She hadn’t seen or heard from her daughter since.

Many more distraught mothers and fathers as well as aunts, uncles, siblings, and cousins, would follow in Jessica’s footsteps, from CBP processing or ICE detention to the Brownsville bus station. So, Elisa formed part of the Tías effort to coordinate with area homeless shelters, in this case the Good Neighbor Settlement House, to provide refuge for newly released refugees.

And when asylum seekers began to form on the Matamoros side of the two Brownsville bridges, Elisa, like her counterparts in McAllen, began the daily treks to Mexico to deliver much appreciated necessities. Supplies included water, socks, and specifics, like diapers or menstrual pads, purchased online by Madeleine, or by Cindy and Nayelly, who made regular multi-cart shopping trips en route back and forth to help asylum seekers still encamped and spilling off the international bridges into Mexico. Jennifer aided the bridge brigade and managed efforts to support the migrant shelters in Reynosa, now bursting at the seams. She communicated tirelessly with national immigrant rights organizations, the ACLU, and congressional representatives in Washington, keeping all updated and aware of what was happening in the RGV. And Madeleine, who lived just miles from where women detainees were being held — the Port Isabel Detention Center (PIDC) — spent countless hours comforting distraught mothers, offering them hope that they would see their children again — no small task given the government kept scant records.

The Angry Tías & Abuelas of the Rio Grande Valley, pictured with Kerry Kennedy, daughter of RFK, and Labor leader and Civil Rights activist Dolores Huerta, are recognized as Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Laureates 2019

The Angry Tías & Abuelas of the Rio Grande Valley, pictured with Kerry Kennedy, daughter of RFK, and Labor leader and Civil Rights activist Dolores Huerta, are recognized as Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Laureates 2019

These eight heroic women — Jennifer, Joyce, Cindy, Nayelly, Madeleine, Lizee, and Susan — all angry tías or abuelas, mobilized around the mission of bringing dignity and justice to human beings that America-Made-“Great”-Again had kicked back to a place so dangerous, they were afraid to leave the bridges.

All through the long, hot summer of 2018, the Angry Tías and Abuelas saw to the needs of men, women, and children caught in the crosshairs of a cruel, complicated, and constantly shape-shifting immigration policies. They believed then that the policy of “metering” was too mean to last; that it would end before the summer was over. But when Jim and I showed up to volunteer with them 19 months later, in January 2020, the first 40 souls they’d discovered on the Reynosa-McAllen bridge had swelled to 2500, now living in tents and under constant danger in cartel-controlled Matamoros, just across the river from Brownsville.

And that was just one bridge along a 2000-mile border.

By the end of 2018, “Metering” had evolved to become Trump & Co’s Migrant “Protection” Protocol, otherwise known as Remain in Mexico because it didn’t provide any protection at all. MPP kicked asylum seekers back into Mexico even after their names had been called and their asylum claims started. It forced them to represent their asylum claims by themselves in kangaroo courts held under US-based big top tents where “justice” was just another circus. And it would render more than 60,000 innocent and traumatized people, right now living in tent cities all along the border — many without access to soap and running water — sitting ducks to the COVID-19 virus: a 2000-mile humanitarian crisis teetering on the edge of genocide.

I’m a tía, I thought. And I’m angry. Very angry. I wrote Susan right back, telling her I should fit right in.

. . .

Click here to learn more about the Angry Tías y Abuelas of the RGV. Consider donating to help bring dignity and justice to asylum seekers stranded in Mexico. The Tías are still working on their behalf. Thank you!

Let us be reminded that before there is a final solution, there must be a first solution, a second one, even a third. The move toward a final solution is not a jump. It takes one step, then another, then another.
— Toni Morrison, 1995

CHAPTER ONE: A 2000-mile-long Humanitarian Crisis

Welcome to Brownsville

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Brownsville airport is a throwback. There are no indoor bridges or jetways connecting terminal to plane. Old-fashioned hydraulic stairs lead passengers to the tarmac where painted lines mark the way to the no-frills glass-and-concrete terminal building. Inside, there is no shopping mall with IKEA-style winding traffic patterns, steering you from duty-free smokes to liquor to perfume. Just a straight shot to a single baggage carousel serving all.

It’s old-school. It’s refreshing.

Signage at the Brownsville airport is bilingual. But the language you mostly hear, from the minute you step through the automatic sliding doors, is Spanish.

The scene, sounds, and sudden feeling of heat that January 3rd, 2020, all conspired to transport me to the 1980s, when my idealism was at its peak. I spent a lot of time back then traveling in and out of the Guatemala City, San Salvador, and Managua airports. It was the age of Ronald Reagan, the last time Norte-Americanos seemed to be paying attention to the goings-on south of the border. I went to bear witness to my country’s involvement in the Guatemalan genocide, the Salvadoran Civil War, and the covert — and ruthless — destabilization of Nicaragua’s democratically elected Sandinista government, staged from Honduras.

My trips lasted anywhere from 3 to 6 months. I tried, always, to be of use. There was lots to do: support the care of war orphans; accompany repatriating refugees; observe elections. I spent most of my time working with the few brave teachers still giving lessons in the zonas conflictivas of El Salvador, specifically Morazán, where basic services, like education, had been disappeared by the government of José Napoleón Duarte.


Solidarity in the Age of Ronald Ray-gun

Ronald Reagan holding a T-shirt “Stop Communism in Central America”, with Nancy Reagan, March 7, 1986 (Photo: Levan Ramishvili/flickr)

Ronald Reagan holding a T-shirt “Stop Communism in Central America”, with Nancy Reagan, March 7, 1986 (Photo: Levan Ramishvili/flickr)

I was a small player in the International Solidarity Movement. We Internationalistas (or sandalistas as cynics liked to call us) stepped in where governments abdicated responsibility, usually in collaboration with NGOs or the UN. As we worked, we listened and we watched; we brought our observations back to religious, scholarly, and media communities at home. We sided with no army, no guerrilla faction, but operated in the spirit of democracy and Vatican II: for liberty and justice for all, especially the poor and downtrodden.

We stood out like sore thumbs, deliberately, believing that no armada or death squad wanted Yanqui blood on their hands, especially if they were armed, trained, and funded by the U.S. government — which they mostly were. Unfortunately, some of us were not so lucky.

In the vintage Brownsville airport, with its linoleum floors and windows yellowed from airplane exhaust, surrounded by more Spanish than English and more brown skin than white, something in me stirred. I was waking back up to my activist days, before I married Jim and life swept me up in career- and home-building, alongside an on-going health issue, in China and Hong Kong, New York, Paris, and London.

Since 1994, Jim and I have lived abroad for more years than we haven’t. We reside in an ephemeral borderlands — one that cannot be mapped — buffeted and buoyed by diversity of languages, cultures, colors, and creeds. Now in the dusk of our lives as working stiffs, we're in the UK, where darkness descends by 4pm in winter, and where — lucky us — our privilege extends to getting five weeks off each year. When our only child launched in 2014, releasing us from the bonds of the school calendar, we started using that time to escape the short, cold days of January in northern Europe.

This year we decided to also be of use.

Most sane people arriving in Brownsville in midwinter exit the airport and turn right, toward the beaches of South Padre Island. But we went left. For this year’s trip was to the Tex/Mex border.


Because Outrage isn’t Enough

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We were among millions who were shocked and horrified when it became clear, back in the spring of 2018, that the US government had condoned ripping terrified children out of the arms of anguished parents. Under their zero-tolerance policy, announced on April 6, Trump & Co resolved to deter immigration by resorting a tactic most vile: separating families.

Our horror metastasized into outrage with each subsequent development:

April 11 — Under oath, erstwhile Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen testifies to Congress that the administration has no family separation policy. It’s a lie.

April 27The Washington Post outs her with a White House memo, proving family separations had been piloted in El Paso from July-November 2017. More than 700 children (the exact count remains unknown) were being warehoused in detention centers when the story broke, at least 100 under the age of four.

May 10 — Mariee Juárez, a 19-month-old Guatemalan child, dies from a preventable illness, while in a frigid ICE detention center.

June 14Attorney General Jeff Sessions justifies separating children and parents. He uses the same Bible passage used to defend slavery (Paul: Romans 13).

June 15Trump & Co admit that 2,000 immigrant children separated from their parents in just six weeks, between April 19 and May 31, amid reports that they lost track of 1,475 minors who arrived unaccompanied.

June 18 — Now, that was a busy day…

First, White House Chief-of-Staff, John Kelly pretends family separation wasn’t his idea. But a 2017 interview, when he was Secretary of Homeland Security, has him on record saying, “separating families could help curtail immigration."

Then, Amnesty International issues a global statement, condemning Trump & Co’s policy of separating children from parents as “nothing short of torture.” Torture, the statement reminds us, is illegal under international law.

Finally, the sound of said torture reverberates around the world when ProPublica leaks a recording, taken from inside the Ursula Processing Center in McAllen, TX, of ten inconsolable children begging to be reunited with their parents. One demands that her aunt be called. She’s memorized the phone number. The audio is accompanied by photos of kids in cages huddling under mylar “foil” blankets for warmth. The facility’s nickname, La Hielera (the icebox), is not for nothing.

On June 20, Trump rescinded the family separation policy by executive order. At that point, the number of children stolen on his orders was up to 2,300. Six days later, US District Judge for the Southern California, Dana Makoto Sabraw, prohibits any further separations and orders all children reunified with their families.

Popular protest had won. The horror was over. On June 30, we marched under the banner: Families Belong Together.

Then, life being busy, we got back to it.

Take a Ticket. Get in Line.

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But it turns out that beneath the furor over family separations, Trump & Co were rolling out an even more sinister plan. That month, while no one was looking, Sessions yanked both domestic and gang violence as credible fears, thereby criminalizing asylum. Trump declared Mexico a “safe third country” — even though the US State Department had it under a level-4 travel advisory — and instituted a new take-a-ticket-and-get-in-line case review strategy called “metering.”

As they jerked us from one manufactured crisis to another…and another…few beyond the border noticed that the number of refugees from Northern Triangle countries getting through to their sponsors in the US had dropped by 70%. Interesting parallel: DHS officials have since stated that more than 71% of those apprehended at the southern border in the 2019 fiscal year were from Guatemala, Honduras, or El Salvador.

What was happening to them? News was hard to come by — you had to want to find it. And when you did, it wasn’t good:

There were bottlenecks at all ports of entry. Folks were pooling up all along the border, stranded in some of the most dangerous places on earth. Others were being shackled, children included, and sent to detention centers popping up all over the U.S., most famously within defunct office complexes and big box stores. Many more were being hunted and deported under cover of night, even if they’d been living in and contributing to the country for decades.

Suddenly, outrage was not enough. Jim and I were compelled to go see what was happening ourselves. This was the plan:

  • Spend a week driving along the Tex/Mex border, bearing witness at every international bridge from Brownsville to Del Rio.

  • Feed our long-standing mission to explore all the great US national parks with a little “we” time in Big Bend.

  • Hit the art outpost in Marfa on our way to El Paso.

  • Wrap up with a few more days’ witness in Ciudad Juárez.


The Road Trip Begins

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We took off from Boston at 5am on January 3, 2020, after ringing in the new year with friends and family along the east-coast corridor. Since that required a 3am wake-up call, we were famished and in dire need of caffeine by the time we landed at the George Bush Intercontinental Airport in Houston.

Stumbling through the terminal en route to our connecting gate, we had to blink several times before we could believe what our eyes were telling us: Every seat at every table at every airport dining establishment was kitted out with a flashing iPad.

This bizarre sight of airport-turned-video-arcade, served as a reminder that when you live in the ephemeral borderlands as we do, gradual changes in the greater culture—like the steady invasion of screens into public spaces—can feel like an abrupt slap. They’re inescapable today: talking heads in NYC taxis; CNN at passport control; Fox at the pump; a college or pro (or, in Texas, high school) sports event on each of three screens in view from every seat at any local restaurant. You can’t go anywhere in the US anymore without being bombarded by someone else’s notion of what you should be consuming.

And so, with the touch of a finger, we chose breakfast tacos with salsa verde, kicking off our two-week hunt for the best Tex/Mex meal on the border. Then pulled the cords from the boisterous iPads and lay them facedown one table over.

We landed in Brownsville just a few hours later with one contact, three nights pre-booked in a hotel, and a car reservation, which right away went awry. The Dollar rent-a-car website had stated that, “yes,” we could take their rentals into Mexico — all we had to do was buy the right insurance. The nice lady at the counter said otherwise.

"So we won’t be able to weave back and forth across the border?" we asked, disappointed.

That’s when I remembered the most important rule of thumb for traveling in Latin America: things never happen on time, or go precisely to plan.

We agreed we’d just have to roll with it. And as it turns out, we wouldn’t roll far, for the next slap was lurking just on the other side of the Gateway International Bridge in Matamoros: a humanitarian crisis worse than we could have ever imagined.

And this was just one bridge along a 2000-mile border.

We were immediately put to use. There was so much to do, and so few people beyond the border knew. Because not only had Trump & Co succeeded in stopping people at the border, they’d stopped their stories, too. And not just the stories of those running from persecution, gang violence, murderous husbands, threats of kidnapping, rape, or crushing poverty: The stories of the everyday heroes helping to bring dignity to the 60,000 — and growing — men, women, and children caught in the crosshairs of Trump & Co’s policy of deterrence by chaos and cruelty had been blocked from crossing the border too.

“We can’t get our stories beyond the checkpoint,” folks told us, again and again, and in so many words, on learning we were writers. “Please, listen. Record them. Share them. Amplify them. Help us get the word out about what’s going on here.” 

So that’s what we resolved to do. Big Bend and Marfa would have to wait.

Let us be reminded that before there is a final solution, there must be a first solution, a second one, even a third. The move toward a final solution is not a jump. It takes one step, then another, then another.
— Toni Morrison, 1995

THE FIRST SOLUTION: Tales of Humanity and Heroism from Trump’s Manufactured Border Crisis

Let us be reminded that before there is a final solution, there must be a first solution, a second one, even a third. The move toward a final solution is not a jump. It takes one step, then another, then another.
— Toni Morrison, 1995
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You might think there’s only one story in the world these days: how humanity is going to survive the global pandemic that’s got so many of us locked down or racing to stock up for the end of time.

But there was one sobering story of suffering already in full stride before anyone had ever heard of COVID-19, the coronavirus, or social distancing, and it’s sure to continue long after:

The humanitarian disaster at the US/Mexico border, a crisis cynically orchestrated by the Trump administration (which, it turns out, is competent in at least one area).

That’s the story The First Solution sets out to tell.

The tale unfolds through the voices and actions of volunteer foot soldiers I met while traveling the Tex/Mex border in January 2020. These accidental heroes are fighting a guerrilla war for human dignity, flying the tattered flag of American values as their nation’s leaders right now commit unspeakable human rights violations.

Tired of just being outraged by the smattering of news stories emanating from the border, my husband and I went there as the new year and decade dawned to see for ourselves what was happening. We planned to bear witness from Brownsville to El Paso, with a bit of “we” time in Big Bend in between. But what we witnessed was far worse than we imagined. Once stuck in with Sergio and Mike from Team Brownsville, Cindy and Madeleine of Angry Tías, Patti from the refugee camp and Joshua from the #EndMPP #RestoreAsylumNow Vigil, we couldn’t bring ourselves to leave Brownsville.

Trump & Co haven’t just stopped people at border; they’ve stopped their stories from getting across, too. At the urging of all we met, we resolved to capture them and share them in this travelogue of our road trip gone awry.

We interviewed humanitarians as well as detainees. Tangled with security personnel as we hunted up kids’ jails. Witnessed the poor excuse for due process at the border’s Kafka-esque kangaroo tent courts. We were entrusted with harrowing accounts of perseverance and survival by migrants now living in squalor in Matamoros — one of the most dangerous places on Earth, even before COVID-19 joined the Gulf cartel to pose a daily threat to their lives.

Examining the US’s troubled history with racial equality as well as its southern neighbors, and exposing the profiteers feeding off this human tragedy, I provide context for the stories of humanity and heroism highlighted in The First Solution. My goal is that you, reader, will see yourself in these stories of good people doing great things against extraordinary odds and become emboldened to act on behalf of fairness and justice and democracy as well.

The challenge is to share these stories with the world before November 2020. Which is why I’m publishing the story as I write it, here and on Medium. The stakes are just too high, and the stories too urgent, to wait for a traditional publishing deal — although one would be welcomed.

Interested parties may contact me here.